Faye/Sall: Does Senegal have a vice-president? (BY Makha)

The 81st session of the United Nations General Assembly was held this week here in New York. But Senegal was particularly focused on the meeting between Macron, Faye, and Sall, among other events, including Faye's speech and the protests against his political and economic positions and decisions in Senegal. It's worth recalling that Faye had already received Sall at the Presidential Palace to officially endorse and promote his candidacy for the position of Secretary-General of the United Nations. So, given all the twists and turns that led to Faye's election as President of the Republic, from the proposed government to the violence, the imprisonment, and so on, how can we understand this rapid rapprochement? How far could it go? What will be the price for Senegal?

First, it is necessary to point out the setback Sall has just suffered in the French courts in his attempt to block the website nonamacky, hosted by an American company with French operators. This site translates into nine languages the detailed indictments against Sall's 12 years as head of state. It also publishes reports from Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch on corruption, violence, financial malfeasance, hidden debt, land abuses, murders, and more.

This setback comes on top of the defeat in the UN Secretary-General election, where Macky Sall's support continues to plummet despite Faye's endorsement of Senegal. Yet, everything written on this website is public knowledge and, moreover, has been repeatedly stated by Faye himself in numerous interviews. Given this context, how can we understand this rapprochement between Faye and Sall? How did Faye quickly become the campaign manager and even head of communications?

The answer to this question is very simple: it's because Faye no longer hesitates to show his true colors and political objectives to Senegal and the world. While Sall is already known and judged by Senegalese public opinion based on his actions over the past 12 years, Faye is unknown to most Senegalese, except perhaps to his immediate family. We can even add that Sonko himself was mistaken about Faye. This is perhaps the only truth Sonko cannot acknowledge publicly. Even the name Faye isn't commonplace in Senegal, except thanks to Sonko. Fate also decreed that Faye's rise to the presidency of Senegal would come through Sonko. Faye and his associates can deny this their entire lives, but it won't change the reality.

Faye's true colors are becoming increasingly apparent: he is preoccupied with securing re-election by distancing himself from the platform his former party campaigned on, quickly severing ties with all those who continue to defend that platform, including Sonko, adopting programs that have already proven their limitations and led the country to its current predicament, and finally, allying himself with those responsible for this situation to form a winning coalition in 2029. What about the 2027 local elections? Their organization depends on the degree of cooperation from the current legislature, but above all, on the time Faye will need to try to convince the majority of voters to accept his new positions and policies, not to mention the massification of his new party. Faye's interest in accepting today everything he denounced yesterday regarding Sall lies at this level. Faye fervently prays and spares no effort for Sall to become Secretary-General of the United Nations so he no longer has to concern himself with domestic politics in Senegal, particularly those of the APR party. Faye will no longer have to denounce Sall's underhanded maneuvers, as he turns a blind eye and a silent mouth to the defections of his former collaborators, with a rate of movement creation unprecedented in Senegal's political history. The notable fact about these political movements is that they all converge in the same direction and proclaim their newfound interest in Senegal, far removed from any hypocrisy.

However, there is a strong likelihood that this rapprochement will turn into an illusion and a disappointment. Sall, on the verge of losing the election for Secretary-General of the UN, will undoubtedly find new interests, given his immense financial resources. It's important to remember that he is still young and likely financially stable. But it's still possible for Faye to support Sall's candidacy for organizations like the Francophonie, as Diouf did, UNESCO, etc. Faye himself could lose the local and/or legislative elections because he is relying on the political opportunism that the majority of Senegalese despise. Furthermore, as we see every day, slush funds and political money no longer guarantee electoral victories; the system is well-oiled: accept money and vote as you see fit.

The question of the unofficial Vice Presidency takes on its full meaning at this point. Faye's ear seems to be increasingly turning to Sall and Macron rather than to Toure, Diouf, Niane, Dieme, Diop, Mbacke, Sy, and all the others relegated to social media. Sall is becoming Faye's unofficial number one advisor, and Faye, in turn, is Sall's defense attorney, not the prosecutor that the Senegalese people want to effectively handle the pressing issues from 2021 to 2023. Sall has succeeded in slowing down the process in Senegal but has failed to block the visibility of these cases worldwide at a time when he is vying for the UN presidency. Faye is following in Sall's footsteps by wanting to become an all-powerful President. However, his desire to oppress will only manifest itself if Sonko gives him the opportunity, which he refuses to do for the moment. For Faye, the executive branch holds all the power, and the legislature simply has to approve and toe the line. There is no difference between Faye's agenda and that of his predecessor. The conditions imposed by the Bretton Woods institutions and other international and private financial institutions must be accepted. Multinational companies must be allowed to acquire massive shares in the exploitation of our resources; a mere 10 to 15 percent will do Senegal just fine. The contracts can be signed by a minor, unelected Minister of Social Media, who locks himself in his office with the executives of these companies, and the National Assembly can look the other way. Some members of parliament don't even need to sign the attendance sheet to get paid.

In light of all the above, it is clear that the Senegalese people are the big losers in this Faye/Sall alliance. The State is not in a position to provide them with the necessary support; there is no job creation, direct or indirect, linked to the exploitation of our resources, and worse, the few subsidies that currently exist risk disappearing with the debt restructuring. Someone mentioned enriching their vocabulary between 2021 and 2023 with expressions like indictment, return to the prosecutor's office, accused, and flagrant offense, but now we must add restructuring, adjustment, and treatment. As for the term "restructuring," our current leaders certainly want to erase it from the dictionary. Furthermore, all legal cases related to political violence, financial malfeasance, and land scandals will be shelved; most of the alleged perpetrators have either joined the ranks of the accused or are in discussions to do so. Those who remain with Sall are protected, like him, thanks to his close ties with Faye. Their heads are therefore saved until further notice or even forever for cases that could be subject to foreclosure.

The question that has continued to haunt Senegalese people since independence is when will the state transform itself into a Sadia Mane, coming to the aid of those who truly need it, creating healthcare, educational, and sports infrastructure, but above all, jobs that will make them self-reliant? Pessimism is warranted given all the manipulations attempted against SM10.

Pending further developments, the existence of an unofficial Vice-President appears to be real, and even the protocol order is unclear:

Faye/Sall or Sall/Faye?

Makha, New York.